Judicial Budget

JRF / Monitoring the Judiciary

Judicial Budget Monitoring:
Ensuring Every Taxpayer Dollar is Well-Spent

The judicial budget is not merely a set of figures; it is the concrete embodiment of judicial reform. Since 1997, the Judicial Reform Foundation has deeply scrutinized the central government's judicial budget, promoting the implementation of judicial reform in daily operations through the Legislative Yuan's budget review process.

The authorities are not that powerful, nor are we that weak.
Even someone who has never taken an accounting course can, driven by civic responsibility and perseverance, catch the Judicial Yuan "off guard" during budget reviews—this is the power of civic oversight.

——HUANG HSU-TIEN, Convener of the JRF Judicial Budget Group

Why Monitor the Judicial Budget?

The judiciary is the nation's third branch of government, yet how the Judicial Yuan spends tens of billions of NTD in its annual budget has long lacked effective civil society oversight. Since its inception, the JRF has recognized that reform cannot remain confined to the level of statutory provisions; it must delve into the details of budget compilation and execution to truly drive improvements in judicial operations.

In 1997, the Deputy Director of the Legislative Yuan's Budget Center praised the JRF for conducting budget reviews from an "outsider" perspective while achieving such concrete and powerful results, noting how remarkable this was. This journey exemplifies the best of civil society effectively monitoring the government.

The History of Judicial Budget Monitoring

1996

Five Reform Demands: Presented Directly to the President of the Judicial Yuan

On November 20, 1996, the JRF accepted an invitation to a banquet hosted by then-President of the Judicial Yuan, SHIH CH'I-YANG, during which it formally presented five reform demands. On January 20, 1996, it further convened a seminar inviting both the Judicial Yuan and the Ministry of Justice to discuss them together. These five demands shared a key characteristic: they could all be promoted without requiring legislative amendments, yet they repeatedly failed to receive a sincere response.

  • 1
    Discuss the placement of judges' nameplates on the bench during court sessions across all courts nationwide. (A demand for judicial self-respect and respect for others—even bus drivers display their names; why do judges dare not show theirs?)
  • 2
    Discuss formulating a mechanism to regularly publish lists of individuals attempting to lobby judicial cases during the investigative stage. (An important strategy against interference)
  • 3
    Establish a national computer retrieval system for judgments and prosecutorial documents across all levels of court and discuss terms for open access. (Oversight is only possible under sunshine, which also benefits the elevation of legal standards)
  • 4
    Discuss concrete methods to gradually implement the requirement that prosecutors are present at court hearings from beginning to end and earnestly carry out public prosecution.
  • 5
    Formulate methods for centralized trial proceedings by judges.

After waiting a month without substantive responses from the Judicial Yuan and the Ministry of Justice, the JRF announced it would join forces with legislators to propose supplementary resolutions during budget reviews. In 1997, during the Legislative Yuan's budget review, the JRF formally submitted its first "Judicial Budget Position Paper," incorporating the aforementioned demands and extending the JRF's advocacy battlefront into the Legislative Yuan.

1997–1998

Constitutionalization of Judicial Budget Independence: A Historic Breakthrough

In 1998, the JRF actively promoted the constitutionalization of judicial budget independence, arguing that the Judicial Yuan should break free from the Executive Yuan's budgetary jurisdiction and independently compile its own budget. This demand gained unanimous agreement among the three major political parties to be incorporated into the Constitution in July of that year, marking a major milestone in the JRF's pursuit of judicial reform.

However, constitutionalization was only the first step—what exactly did the Judicial Yuan's budget look like after it compiled its new independent budget for the first time? Believing this was well worth a deep examination, the JRF proceeded to launch a comprehensive overall health check of the budget.

1998–1999

Comprehensive Judicial Budget Health Check: Exposing Four Major Deficiencies

In 1998, the JRF's "Judicial Budget Group" conducted a comprehensive health check of the central government's judicial budget for fiscal year 1999 (July 1, 1998, to June 30, 1999), conducting in-depth analyses from multiple perspectives:

Attorney KAO JUI-CHENG pointed out four major shortcomings in the FY 1999 judicial budget:
Insufficiency in pioneering spirit, effectiveness, equity, and legality.

On March 24, 1998, the Judicial Budget Group formally presented the "Health Check Report on the Judicial Yuan's Expenditure Budget under the Central Government General Budget for Fiscal Year 1997," clearly highlighting four major deficiencies:

  • ①
    Top-heavy budget compilation: Excessive administrative expenses at the top, while grassroots judicial operations lacked resources.
  • ②
    Improper staffing allocations: Budgets for judicial assistants and legal officers were pre-allocated before the relevant laws were amended and passed; it was recommended that these related budgets be frozen.
  • ③
    Profligate new construction projects: Official dormitories had a high vacancy rate and summary courts proved ineffective, yet hardware construction budgets continued to be poured into them.
  • ④
    Failure to implement judicial reform projects: Matters requested in the previous year's supplementary budget resolutions—such as "live electronic media broadcasting of Constitutional Court sessions" and "placing judges' nameplates on courtroom benches"—were completely unimplemented.
 

Civic Oversight Creates Substantive Impact

Because the JRF's recommendations resonated deeply, legislators repeatedly cited its content to interpellate the Judicial Yuan, catching the Judicial Yuan "off guard"—a rare occurrence in the history of judicial budget reviews.

Members of the JRF Judicial Budget Group were even hired by the Democratic Progressive Party caucus as "Budget Review Consultants for the Legislative Yuan Caucus," and the Deputy Director of the Legislative Yuan's Budget Center gave high praise to these results.

Past Judicial Budget Review Reports and Related Articles

Last Edited: June 27, 2026